![]() So, it is impossible to query them to figure out exactly which language they are referring to. Is it French, or is it Creole? Almost always, though exceptions exist, those using either of those terms do not speak either of those 2 languages. First, I am never quite certain which language one is referring to. ![]() I’ve long bristled at the use of “French Creole” and “Creole French” for 2 reasons. The term stuck and is widely used in southwest Louisiana, but virtually unheard of in the rest of the state. To mark the difference between French and Creole languages, at an unknown point in time, but certainly by the mid 20th century, Louisiana Francophones along Bayou Teche came to refer to Louisiana Creole as “Kouri-Vini.” The term comes from the way in which Louisiana Creolophones (Creole-speakers) say “I went, you came” ( Mo kourí, to viní), which in Louisiana French are J’ai été and J’ai venu. However, speakers of Louisiana French on Bayou Teche coined an endonym (term created by members of a community) worthy of praise. ![]() Historically, Louisiana Creoles have referred to the Louisiana Creole language as Creole and as French. Creole sugar cane, tomatoes, etc.). Creole has historically also been used, as we have just seen in the Alexandria paper, by outsiders to refer to Louisiana Creoles and their culture, too. Local fauna and flora are exceptional here, but became enmeshed in Creole culture, so it makes sense that Creoles came to refer to those things as “créole”, too (e.g. But the point made here is that Creole, used as an ethnic identity, cultural, and linguistic term, is a term that Latin Louisiana people have agreed to use to define themselves, to define things they do. There are mounds of additional examples and we would spend years sifting through them all. To this, the Lafayette Advertiser proudly boasted that “e takes a stock of his Creole language and it gets him anything he goes after.” 3 “The Drummers Ticket,” Lafayette Advertiser,, p. In August 1906, the New Orleans Picayune enthusiastically wrote “urrah for Dave Pelletier, a Creole proper of ‘La Belle Louisiana’. ![]() 2 “Charming Creoles,” The Louisiana Democrat, 29 June 1887, p. Young girls are not allowed to go into society without being accompanied by their mothers, or some other married lady, as chaperon–one of the many Creole customs that has generally been adopted by the American residents of New Orleans. The Alexandria Louisiana Democrat lectured its readers in its June 29th 1887 edition on the distinctions between Americans and Louisiana Creoles in this case the elite and bourgeois Creoles. Louisiana Division/City Archives, New Orleans Public Library, inv/neh/ nehaa.htm#indentures. Transcription and translation by C. to Érasme Legoaster,, volume 4, number 187, New Orleans (La.) Office of the Mayor. with Erasme Legoaster sponsored by Francois Valentin, Volume 4, Number 187, 1827 May 1 New Orleans Office of the Mayor imaged in “Free People of Color in Louisiana,” Louisiana State University Libraries, Free People of Color in Louisiana ( collection/p16313coll51/id/ 38024/rec/1), original in Indentures, François Valentin Jr. ![]() consented to his 15-year-old son–”François Valentin Jr., free young man of color, a New Orleans Creole”–entering into an apprentice agreement with Érasme Le Goaster, another Creole New Orleanian. On May 1st 1827, several New Orleanians appeared before Mayor Louis-Philippe, Comte de Roffignac. Here are 3 examples to better illustrate the use of the historic identifier, Creole. In other words, the older, historic self-identity and cultural label–Creole–experienced a few transformations as the culture and people transformed. As our community began to transform over the longue durée, but especially after World War I, new nomenclature materialized to describe our Louisiana Creole people, culture, and identity. ![]()
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